New features of neo-imperialism ..
Will the American imperialist - or ‘neo-imperialist’ course of action change now? ’Is a question about why the question should be asked in the positive aftermath of Donald Trump's defeat and the‘ Democratic ’Joe Biden presidency.
Democracy-loving, justice-loving people around the world felt high after the results of the presidential election in the so-called 'United States of America' - but often referred to as 'America'. There was a wave of joy like 'Trump has been killed'. The American Democratic Party had gained a ring after the election of Barack Obama as if it were a party of the underprivileged; The radiance of that ring was sustained by Trump's rise to power, with all the benefits accruing to the new US president, Joe Biden. In such a happy atmosphere, some people want to ask the same question: 'Will America's imperialist- or' neo-imperialist 'course of action change now?'
- ‘No change!’ Is the answer to this question, most people who ask it know. The answer is yes, given the political turmoil that the United States has wreaked on many small and medium-sized countries around the world over the past 70 years. But very few who ask this question or know the answer these days .. more than that the majority, the United States seems to be the best basis for them to flee their own country. Even Indians are happy that any of their relatives or family members got a 'green card' (even Trump was trying to take it away). The majority do not care that neo-imperialism is America's dark history and present. Vijay Prasad has written a book called 'Washington Bullets' in very simple language so that everyone should know this history of America.
Although the book contains evidence from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823 to the present day, it focuses on events after 1945 (see why later). The Monroe Doctrine, a policy of "Europe should not interfere in the Americas", was implemented during the tenure of the then President James Monroe. It was drawn up and implemented by John Quincy Adams, the former Secretary of State. So what did you do The principle that the United States should intervene in the Americas (especially in South America) rather than in Europe, Adams said, was followed by other countries. As a result, much of Mexico, as well as the state of Texas, was swallowed up by the United States until the late 1860's. This was American expansionism. The islands of Samoa (1889), the islands of Hawaii (1893), Panama (1903), Honduras (1903-25), Nicaragua (1912), Mexico (1913), Haiti (1915) and so on. After the victory of Dostarashtra, it got the language of a new, 'world democratic system'! - This history comes in this book, but also gives an idea of how, for example, Nicaragua was infiltrated, there was no need to do anything about it.
The author summarizes this history in a very brief way and then deals with a different but important subject at the risk of diversion. It is a matter of how imperialism got an international ideological meeting and how other countries made a concerted effort to show its futility in the future. The author raises a number of issues while showing how imperialism has been treated as a etiquette since the League of Nations of 1919. In this league, ruling countries like Britain were allowed to vote on behalf of the then ruled countries like India. In this context, the November 1919 issue of the Indian magazine 'Rajkaran' had made a general remark that 'this is of no use to India'. The author cites John Westlake, a professor at the University of Cambridge, who wrote the first textbook of international law in 1894, explaining how it was based on discriminatory principles that were the basis of international law. "The natives consider international law to be uncivilized, and if the colonial 'civilized' countries give up control over these 'uncivilized' countries, they will fight among themselves, cause havoc on the island, and there must be 'civilized' countries that abide by international law." Tarkat. Although it will continue to clash with the concept of 'My Father Government', it is not the subject of this book. This book quotes how the internationalization of the colonial mentality by Westlake, and where exactly the absurdity that still appears in American actions today, came from!
This is the lifeblood of this three-part book, digging deep into the journey from colonialism to neo-imperialism. The author said in an interview that I wrote it in a row .. The hatred of that continuity has come down in this area. The author does not use offensive adjectives against anyone. The structure of most of the sentences in the book is factual. That is why, without directly explaining how far Westlake calls the country 'civilized' and how far it has fallen short of dreaming of an ideal world, this book - in the first part itself - requires a diversion from 'Third World Project and Non-Alignment'. In doing so, the author informs the reader of the sublime principles of mutual respect and apathy in the concept of 'Third World', cooperation and competition, and how a country like the United States undermines 'democracy' by interfering in another sovereign state. , It is also offered. This part of the book tends to use historiography for philosophical purposes and is therefore often discussed more and more.
The second part explains the concept of ‘neo-imperialism’. Neo-imperialism is the hegemonic exploitation of the big corporates by the ruling class in capitalism, which seems to be 'free' and 'without government interference', to protect the interests of the industrialists. The American company acquired 200,000 acres (about 809 square kilometers) of land in Guatemala from the then president of Guatemala, Jacobo Arbenz, in 1953, as part of a "farmland reform" program. This angered not only United Fruit, an American company, but also its owners, with whom it had a "direct acquaintance", US President Dwight Eisenhower. Then came the special issue of 'American Propaganda' .. Arbenz can't rule, look how miserable the people are, still look at the people not burning .. etc! After all, the US stopped Arbenz from power. The United States has made similar changes of power in many countries, albeit not so openly for a single company but for economic purposes. In summarizing that collection, the author makes nine points. In the book's title, 'Washington Bullets', the double meaning is hidden as 'bullets are bullets and bullets are a written issue'; This is the part that makes sense of the second meaning. These are the nine points: (1) 'awakening' the 'people's' sentiment, (2) appointing the right person on the ground, (3) keeping the military officers ready, (4) forcing the economy to explode, (5) politically sabotaging, ( 6) Making big agitations, (7) waiting for the right time (signal light to turn green), (8) murder-study and (9) pretending that we have not done it.
The author cites a number of CIA documents, memoirs written by several CIA officials, and interviews with former CIA agents Rafael Quintero, Tyler Drumhaler, and the late Chuck Kogan. The last chapter of the book is about ‘sources’! But the third part of the American neo-imperialist healers will not stop at this time, but will try to explain in the third part how the path of capitalism as a whole has always been towards neo-imperialism. In this third case, the 'trouble' of author Vijay Prasad's inclination towards communist ideology will happen. The rest of the book, however, is wise for readers of any ideology!